The Snow Lion and the Dragon: China, Tibet, and the Dalai Lama

Bear in mind that my background in Chinese and Tibetan history and politics is negligible. And that the fate of the Tibetan people is being considered. That said, this seemed at least a very readable account. I assume the historical facts in this book can be cross-checked for accuracy. As to Goldstein's analysis (done before 1998) of the future, he explored possibilities for compromise that, to date, seem not to have occurred. He also expresses concern about the possibility of further violence if an adequate compromise is not reached. When looking into the Tibetan problem, I found primarily decidedly pro-Chinese or pro-Tibetan positions. Compromise may seem unreasonable. Since Goldstein appears to be trying to find a middle position, this book may be useful for anyone trying to get a less biased view of this issue. The presentation seemed clear enough that it could serve as an introduction to this issue, although it may well also be of use to readers with a more advanced background in this area. Goldstein seems to be primarily offering input and not conclusions, so whatever your position on the Tibet issue, this book may be informative.

There is no easy solution to an issue as complicated and intricate as the "Tibetan Problem". As much as I abhor the human right abuses in Tibet (which the author does too, apparently), I agree with Prof. Goldstein that the Chinese are really those who hold the trump card. I believe that if the exile government were to accept some sort of comprimise that will actually allow them to work INSIDE Tibet, their chance of achieving a genuine autonomy and preserving the Tibetan culture will be much enhanced, at least from a long term perspective. Important as the much publicized demographical change in Tibet is, one cannot neglect the elements of materialism that is continuously being brought into Tibet. As a friend of mine from China pointed out half mockingly, all that the communists have to do is to build more entertainment establishments to promote indulgence of sense pleasure among the younger generation. That in itself will be a huge blow to the preservation of a genuine Tibetan culture. Thirty years from now, if the exiled are still in exile, the situation will be grim. Time will be running out on a peaceful solution -- China will be substantially stronger, the nationalistic pride of an average Chinese will be stronger, the frustation of the Tibetans who support arm struggle will no more be contendable, and the Dalai Lama will probably no longer be there to represent a voice of peaceful struggle which will anyway have its credential debunked by then. As Prof. Goldstein pointed out, many opportunities for continuous negotiation had been squandered by misjudgement and misperception on both sides, I pray that when the door of negotiation is reopened, more subtantial results will be made.

When Mao Zedong invaded Tibet in 1950 and incorporated it as an autonomous region within the People's Republic of China , he effectively ended twelve hundred years of Tibetan independence. The exile "government" of the Dalai Lama, Tibet's spiritual and political leader, has been working since then to garner Western support for the restoration of independent Tibet, or at least a favorable set of conditions for the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet. The Dalai Lama became the political leader of Tibet in 1642, when the Mongol emperor Gushri Khan made the fifth Dalai Lama the supreme authority in Tibet. This ensured that the Geluk Buddhist sect, which the Dalai Lama led, would become the preeminent sect in Tibet. Relations between Tibet and China fluctuated as the Qing emperors attempted several times to gain control pf Tibet. After the fall of the Qing dynasty in 1912, it appeared that Tibet would enjoy complete independence from its giant neighbor. Chiang Kaishek's nationalist government was too preoccupied with other internal and external matters to consolidate China's foothold in the mountainous country. The interwar years and World War Two brought interest from the West, particularly Great Britain and the United States. After the war, British relations with Tibet were filtered through the interests of a newly independent India. After Chiang's government fell to the Communists, the United States gave some covert support for Tibetan independence, but this support was insufficient and poorly coordinated. The Dalai Lama fled to India and set up an exile "government," trying simultaneously to reach an agreement with China for Tibetan autonomy and to generate Western support for Tibetan independence. Melvyn C. Goldstein, in The Snow Lion and the Dragon: China, Tibet, and the Dalai Lama, explores both the history of the conflict over Tibet, and the possibilities for the future of the region. Goldstein, a professor of anthropology at Case Western Reserve University and director of that university's center for research on Tibet, provides a thoughtful, well-written analysis of the factors involved in the "Tibetan Question." He maintains a impartial, unbiased perspective throughout the book, and explains why neither China nor Tibet is without a measure of validity for their claims. This is no mean feat, for the "contradictory claims and countercharges" of both Tibet and China "render a dispassionate and objective assessment of the conflict excruciatingly difficult, even for specialists"(x). Goldstein organizes the book into five main parts, each covering a particular period in Tibetan history. The first outlines the history of Tibet in relation to China and Mongolia from the seventh century to the fall of the Qing dynasty. The second part describes Tibet's relative independence during China's nationalist period. The third section examines the fate of Tibet after the rise of Mao Zedong, includi

Amid the feverish torrent of propaganda being served up by Hollywood and the mainstream American press, Melvyn Goldstein's "The Snow Lion and the Dragon" offers a rare moment of sober analysis and objective reasoning. Dr Goldstein is the preeminent American scholar on Tibet, and "The Snow Lion" is his authoritative account of the forces and events that led up to the current conflict between leaders in Beijing and the Dalai Lama's supporters in Dharamsala. Tibetan independence activists will necessarily despise this book because of the empirical reality that it brings to a debate fueled by uninformed zealotry and passionate dogma. But those who are interested in gaining a real understanding of Tibet and the historical basis of its current dilemma are well-advised to read this succinct, thoroughly-research work.

Just read this wonderful book and found it very useful not only for the general reader but also for specialists in Asian Studies. Prof. Steven A. Leibo Ph.D. The Sage Colleges & H-ASIA